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Education and the Christian Missionary Activities in Kasar Kano

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Education and the Christian Missionary Activities in Kasar Kano

 

Abdalla Uba Adamu

Department of Education

Bayero University, Kano

 

The British in Northern Nigeria

The vital points which seemed to Goldie to the use of the indirect rule were Goldie’s understanding of political and religious situation of the Caliphate as well as the temperament and beliefs of its rulers. To this effect Goldie observed that the citizens of the Caliphate possessed a kind of patriotism difficult for the European mind to grasp. The rulers did not seem to object to the assertion of a “protectorate”, but when asked to concede complete sovereignty they invariably stipulated that their local customs and systems of government should be respected.

 

In his situation report on the idea of indirect rule in these Muslim communities Goldie further warned that rough and ignorant handling of Sudanese (Hausaland) political susceptibilities could breed religious fanaticism and revolts like that of Mahadi in the Egyptian Sudan. This argument might be based on some intelligence reports from the Company’s officials about the possible spread of the Mahadi’s influence in the area under the Company’s control. The Mahadi’s rebellion in the Egyptian Sudan to which Goldie referred was not only well known in Northern Nigeria then but also received supports from some volunteers that took part in the rebellion from its inception in 1885 to its destruction in 1898 by the condominium forces of British and Egypt.

 

Thus the fear of the religious fanaticism and revolt was central point in the introduction of the indirect rule in Northern Nigeria among Muslim emirates. It was not surprising, therefore that the British home government accepted readily the idea of indirect rule in Northern Nigeria when Lugard took over the administration of the territory from Royal Niger Company in 1900.

 

Indeed Lugard himself, while working for the Imperial British East Africa Company — the East African equivalent of Royal Niger Company — in 1890 encountered a situation in Buganda (presently in Uganda) where Muslim and Christian communities simply could not live peacefully. With this memory fresh in his mind, he declared at the seat of the Sakkwato Caliphate in 1903 after British conquest

 

Government will in no way interfere with the Mohammedan religion. All men are free to worship God as they please.[1]

 

This was to placate the leaders of the subjugated Sokoto Caliphate (after the declaration Sakkwato seemed to be anglicized to Sokoto) under whose dominion lie the entire northern territories, and to prevent missionary incursion into the area since the Muslim Emirates saw the missionary and colonial administrator as one. The consequences of their interpretation of the British presence among them could then be quite unpleasant. The colonial government then proceeded to provide considerable obstacles to hamper missionary advance into the Muslim stronghold.[2]

 

However in his advice for the indirect rule in Muslim Northern Goldie also suggested the establishment of direct British administration in urban areas and among the Southern communities which lacked an organized local system of government so that the such communities might drew some benefit from the Western European civilization. To that effect Goldie said:

 

yet it is desirable that considerable district should be administered on European principles by European officials partly to serve as types to which the Native governments may gradually approximate, but principally as cities of refuge in which individuals of more advanced views may find a living, if native government presses unduly upon them, just as, in Europe of the Middle Ages, men whose love of freedom found the iron bound system of feudalism intolerable, sought eagerly the comparative liberty of cities.

 

It is this idea of creating separate districts that is to further alter the composition of Kano, further enriching its cultural and economic diversity.

The Colonial Machinery

When the British conquered Northern Emirates in 1903, the first major administrative step they took was to group them into provinces, each under the control of a Resident. There were all together thirteen of such provinces: namely, Benue, Plateau, Kano, Ilorin, Kabba, Katsina, Zaria, Adamawa, Bauchi, Bornu, Sardauna, Niger, and Sokoto.

 

The duties of the Resident and his assistant were to control the province on behalf of the central government, implement its policies and advice the Emir on the day-to-day administration of the Emirate as the British saw fit. Furthermore, the Emirates were also sub-divided into districts and all the former title holders who used to stay in the city with the Emir were posted out to administer the new districts. In Kano, the Resident Dr. Cargill re-organized the Emirate into 25 districts in 1906 and in each district a title holder was posted to collect taxes and administer the district on the behalf of the Emir.

 

Missionary Activities in Kano Emirate

One of the most concerted assaults on the Caliphate was by the Christian missionaries who perceived the caliphate as a vast heathen land ready for redemption. The success of the jihad in consolidating an Islamic stronghold over such a vast territory merely confirmed to the missionaries that Islam did not sit well with the people (otherwise, they argued, there would not have been any need for a jihad in the first place). This means therefore Islam was imposed on them, and that if an alternative faith was given to them, they would readily accept. The alternative faith was seen as Christianity. The absurdity of this logic totally ignores the historical connections between religion and society in Hausaland, particularly Kano, where Islam has been a state religion, voluntarily and eagerly accepted since the middle ages. This was shown, for instance, by the intelligence report for the Church Missionary Society by Canon Robinson “Professor of Hausa” at Cambridge University who lived in Kano for three months in 1895 and gave the society

 

…a distorted picture of the extent and intensity of Islam in Northern Nigeria, declaring that many Malams had volunteered to translate the Scriptures, that only a third of the population were Muslims and that Islamic literacy was very low. [3]

 

It was also not considered by the missionaries that the Hausa masses they were aiming themselves at were even more contemptuous of ‘infidels’ who do not share their religious world-view, even if they came from amongst them. This was perfectly illustrated by the little-known incident of the brief emergence of the Isawa cult in Kano during amir Abdullahi Maje Karofi (1855-1882). From mainly missionary accounts, it would appear that there emerged in Kano a Mallam Ibrahim who seemed to be keen on case studies of Jesus in the Qur’an. The constant references to Isah bin Maryam in the Qur’an excited him and consequently he formed a following with a specific focus on Prophet Isa (AS). He and his followers were soon enough referred as Isawa (admirers of Isa (AS)[4]. There were attempts by the amir to make him stop what by now seemed clearly heretic utterances and fixation with Jesus. Specifically the Kano ulama were concerned about his preaching of the second coming of Jesus. He was executed for these beliefs at Kasuwar Kurmi.[5] His followers fled to Bauchi and Zaria emirates where they became willing substrates for Christian missionary conversion. It was claimed that Professor Ishaya Audu, a noted Zaria academic, was descended from the Isawa.[6]

 

R. W. Miller’s attempt to create a Christian template within 19th century Kano city ignored fundamental aspect of Islamic faith: the belief that towards the end of the world, Prophet Isah will re-appear as a redeemer, but not as a Christian. As for instance, Murray Last pointed out,

 

…the 1850s saw an increase in Mahdist movements, or simple emigrations east towards Mecca. Concern about the imminent end of the word had always been rife in popular Islam, in West Africa as elsewhere…By mid century (when one of the deadlines, the year 1300 A.H./1883, was approaching), the lot of the gentry and free farmer was becoming harder owing to inflation, the terms of trade going against the independent primary producer...migrations out of Hausaland towards Adamawa and the East continued to increase up to the end of the century: then the first ‘official’ emigration took place as a result of the British conquest. The problem of emigration had troubled the Sokoto leadership since the time of the jihad. The Shehu himself thought the world was drawing to a close and expected his immediate successors to witness it.[7]

 

Thus these feelings among some Kano ulama that the Caliphate was to last century after which the world will end, gave the Prophet Isa interpretation a great significance to Mallam Ibrahim’s followers. So much was the belief in the Mahdi as a precursor to Prophet Isah’s arrival that many people from Hausaland migrated to the Sudan in the 19th century to welcome the Mahdi, who was expected to appear from “the East”.

 

Further reasons for missionary persistence in Hausaland generally was because

 

Missionaries accepted too readily and with eagerness the idyllic picture of the racial characteristics of the Hausa people and the Hausa country painted by many explorers…It came to be believed by Europeans that in intelligence, physiognomy, material culture and literary achievement the Hausa were not only superior to the Southern Nigerian peoples but surpassed the Chinese; that Hausa civilization could stand comparison with European civilization. This racial and cultural superiority, it was contended, would make the Hausa perceive the metaphysical truths of such higher religion as Christianity, which any missionaries had begun to feel was beyond the understanding of the supposedly inferior coastal peoples.[8]

 

Thus missionary activities were aimed at helping the British colonial forces remove the Fulani “overlords” of the Caliphate which the missionaries perceive as the main obstacle to their “civilizing” missions. Yet Ayandele notes that

 

“from the strictly religious viewpoint none of the three Christian missions who attempted to spread Christianity in Northern Nigeria during this first phase (1870-1888) of missionary enterprise won a single convert to Christianity. The Muslims in the Nupe country had no intention of embracing a faith for which they had contempt. Indeed the futility and foolhardiness of attempting to win them to Christianity soon became clear to many missionaries.”[9]

 

It may recalled that a famous declaration of the British in Sokoto after the conquest in 1903 was that “Government will in no way interfere with the Mohammedan religion. All men are free to worship God as they please.”[10] The British action was anything but altruistic. The policy announcement was to placate the leaders of the subjugated Sokoto Caliphate. This was more so since the Muslim Emirates saw the missionary and colonial administrator as one. The consequences of their interpretation of the British presence among them could then be quite unpleasant. The colonial government then proceeded to provide considerable obstacles to hamper missionary advance into the Muslim stronghold[11]. This situation did not remain long forever. The colonial administration, especially from 1914 when they firmly secured their stronghold, did allow Christian missionary organizations to set up their mission in the Kano territory. This was in part due to the persistent pressure from the missionaries to be allowed access to Muslim Hausaland in general, and Kano in particular. Not ready to jeopardize their lucrative trade deals, the British naturally refused.

 

The Christian Missions

Towards the end of 1900, two Missions – Church Missionary Society (C.M.S.) and the Sudan Interior Mission (S.I.M.) were granted permission, at their request, by Lugard to go to Kano and explore possibilities of starting missionary works there.

 

The first to arrive was a five-man C.M.S. team led by Bishop Tugwell which reached Kano at the time Alu (1895–1903) was the Emir. Having an audience with the Emir at his Fanisau house, the Bishop attempted to explain the mission of Christianity to the Emir. Their arrival was not given a formal notification, a traditional courtesy, requesting the permission of the Emir before aliens can be admitted into his territory, let alone have direct access to his palace as the Tugwell team did. A royal anger ensured and the team was ordered leave the city within three days, after being told in no uncertain terms that the Holy Qur’an had everything the Emir and his people desired in life. Thus the missionaries left Kano disgraced and highly disappointed.[12]

 

The second team was led by a Canadian R.V. Bingham who was the head of the African Industrial Mission, later known as the Sudan Interior Mission, did not come to Kano though he was permitted by the Lugard at the same time as the Bishop Tugwell team. It could be possible that the he was cautioned by the failure of the C.M.S. team. All the same, Kano could not remain forever unpenetrated area for more determined Missionaries whenever opportunity offered itself.

 

The Catholic Mission

For a long time the headquarters for the Catholic Mission was at Shandam, now Benue Plateau. Their institutional work was confined to the non-Muslim areas around Benue and Niger rivers. But in 1919 a Father Waller was determined to establish a Catholic settlement in the Muslim territories and set out directly for Kano. It was not suprising that when he arrived he was not accorded a friendly welcome by the rulers, both the native and the British officials. But he was accommodated by L. Ambrosin, an Italian company, operating then in Kano and which was turned into present French Club[13] after the World War II.

 

For the next three and half years after his arrival the Father kept requesting permission from the authorities for a piece of land on which he would build a Catholic settlement, a Church and a school. Each time he applied, his application was rejected. However, in 1922 Sir Hugh Clifford, then the Governor of the Nigeria, paid a visit to Kano and Father Waller seized the opportunity to have an audience with him. The Father explained to him his wishes and the difficulties he encountered from the authorities. This visit by the Governor gave the Catholics a very rewarding result, because due to the intervention of the Governor, they were allocated the land they wanted.

 

After acquiring a land, the Catholic mission then turned to Standard Bank of West Africa, then known only as BWA (and now First Bank Nigeria Plc) for financing. In June, 1924 the building of the settlement was completed and later the first Catholic Church in Kano was built. Soon after Father Waller left Kano and was succeeded by Father Schahl also a French national. The new Father, who was later popular known in Kano as Maidogongemu (the long-bearded), assumed his office as the Catholic leader in June 1925.[14] The Catholic activities described took place in the Township Sabon Gari area. All subsequent efforts to either open up mission stations or mission schools in rural Kano failed; as a result of the reluctance on the part of the British to upset the delicate balance of peace they have nurtured.

 

From 1930 to 1941, the Catholic Mission intensified its activities and expansion both in the urban and rural Areas. In 1941, they made an attempt to build Primary Schools and Adult classes in the rural areas especially in Zakirai, Kiru and Karaye Districts in Kano Emirate, thereby penetrating into heart of the Hausa society. Permission to carry out this plan was not granted them by the Kano colonial administration. It appeared to the Catholics, thereafter, that education expansion in rural areas would never be possible as long as the British were the rulers in Kano.

 

Just after the Second World War they opened the first Secondary School in 1949 in Kano. St. Louis Boarding Secondary School was started, in the former U.S.A.F Camp at Bompai. In order to support the Secondary School another Girls’ School was opened at Primary level in 1958. This was the St. Louis Girls’ Primary School which accommodated about one thousand girls. As the Catholic community — drawing its flock from the Sabon Gari residents to whom it served — grew, the demand for more primary and Secondary Schools by the members became intensive and to meet this challenge the Catholics opened yet another Primary School for boys also in 1958. This school gave places to between one thousand five hundred to six hundred boys. The demand for more secondary school was also met by building St. Thomas day Secondary School for boys. By 1966 the Catholic organization had four primary schools and two full secondary schools.

 

The C.M.S. And Others

The success of the Catholic showed the way for other Christian missions to follow and on the light of that the C.M.S. — the Tugwell ministry which failed in 1900 — made its second attempt, this tie with success, to establish a mission House in Kano. In 1924 it was permitted to operate in Kano but in Sabon Gari only, as was done with the Catholics. In the same year, the C.M.S. built its first Church at Fage District and later a primary school. Right from the start it began to attract new converts from the Sabon Gari community settlers. It may have been possible, though records were difficult to obtain, that a few native Hausa, particularly those non-Kano, might have joined them. In any event, they were not successful enough to continue in Kano, so they moved their headquarters to Zaria.

 

The Sudan Interior Mission (S.I.M.)

Of the main missionary onslaught to Kano, that by the Sudan Interior Mission (S.I.M.) was the most aggressive, and in the long run, most effective for their purposes.

 

The SIM started its operations in December 1937. Its strategies differed considerably from those adopted by its predecessors, especially the Catholic. Whereas the Catholics failed to gain any headway in converting people (especially Muslims) to Christianity in the rural areas, the SIM decided to targeted these rural areas by focusing on the Maguzawa areas.

 

Another reason for establishing the stations in the rural areas were the missionary assumptions that the rural people were more docile and less likely to cause trouble than the crowds of the city. Easy communication was also a factor. The arrival of the railroad stations to Garin Gabas, Kaugama and Taura made it easier for the missions to send or obtain materials from Kano. Thus about half of the missionary stations established by the S.I.M. were built were pockets of Maguzawa were found especially in Taura (1930), Roni (1930), Tofa (1939), Karaye (1940/41), Kabo (1944/45), Kaugama (1947), Garun Gabas (1952)[15]. Finally, in 1921 the colonial government estimated that there were 32,722 lepers in the Northern Provinces. Since the colonial government was not a charity organization (the welfare of the general populace was not really its concern; all the facilities established in Kano were for the comfort of the colonial officers), it was agreed that the missions could establish stations in the rural areas so long as they can do something about the leprosy scourge which was more prevalent in the rural areas.

 

Thus the SIM first established the first leprosy clinic at Yada Kunya and Sumaila District in 1937. A junior primary school was built along with the clinic.[16] The school was intended to serve leprosy patients many of whom were treated in the clinic and at the same time taught in the school. At their discharge, they came to Kano to continue with their education at the S.I.M. Senior Primary School. This mixed school has the privilege of producing boys and girls of Kano State origin who subsequently worked in the S.I.M. and elsewhere in the Federation of Nigeria[17].

 

In 1940 a School for the blind was started with sixteen students recruited every year where students are taught reading and writing in Braille, as well as crafts and other trades. At the same time, a Bible Training School was opened in Tofa District. The purpose of the school was to train Pastors who could be posted to teach Bible in various District throughout the Emirates. The school offered courses also in Hygiene and Child Care to its female students in addition to teaching them reading and writing.

 

This school was followed by Adult classes which were opened in many villages in order to spread literacy and the knowledge of Bible and if any student proved himself academically able he was given opportunity for further studies at regular school. The responsibility for organizing the Adult Education was under a Bureau of Hausa translation, also responsible for publishing books on worship, Bible study, teaching books for Christian workers, general reading books of a religious nature and pamphlets. An interesting point to note in this connection is that these books are published not only in Roman inscription but also Ajami a Hausa traditional way of writing in Arabic inscription.

 

The SIM had its chance to play a bigger role with the outbreak of hostilities in Europe leading to World War II in 1939. During the War, Kano was made the headquarters for the recruitment of the African soldiers that would fight for the allies. When France was occupied by the Germans, General De Gaulle was allowed by the British Government to have an African war headquarters in Kano from where he could have access to the French colonies.

 

This saw more influx of people to Kano from Chad, Cameroon, Niger and other French colonies who came to Kano to joint the Army. They were all settled in various locations in the Township (Sabon Gari and environs). The mixture of different ethnic groups with different, and often contrasting world-views, in this new environment brought many social problems especially the problem of juvenile delinquency. The British, busy fighting a war, and keeping a watchful eye on a colony getting worryingly nationalistic, could not really be bothered with social rehabilitation of retards and juveniles. The S.I.M. seized the opportunity to offer help thereby adding to its programme yet another social work.

 

In about 1944 it started a Junior Primary School in order to accommodate and train juvenile boys of different tribal parents. After operating in Kano for some time, the school was transferred to Roni in Kazaure Emirate[18].

 

The SIM targets for conversion to Christianity therefore were disenfranchised West African nationals imported into Kano to fight a European war; and the rural Maguzawa, poor and dispossessed — both groups incapable of remaining in their communities, either due to their apostasy or their ailments (leprosy, blindness, abject poverty, alienation). For all its efforts, there was no school or social service established by the SIM for standard, conventional Hausa Muslims as an act of Christian charity.

 

Perhaps this came about because of the realization that it would have been impossible to convert urban Muslims to Christianity, let alone rural Hausa Muslims. Generally speaking the Christian Missionary strategies in Kano — with the Jihad still a strong binding factor — seemed to ignore the fact that no Muslim would accept Christianity and continue living in the Muslim community. Such act, called ridda (apostasy) in Islam is punishable by death. In the light of this, the only target group for conversion were the non-Muslim Hausa, the maguzawa who lived mostly in remote rural communities, in self-isolation from the mainstream rural Muslim Hausa.

 

Nevertheless the SIM did record some success in converting many Hausa into Christian faith. The numbers, however, were negligible, as the following sample 1982 statistical list of the converts shows[19]:

 

 

Station

Converts

Reversers

Garun Gabas

5

4

Kaugama

4

N/A

Kabo

50

N/A

Karaye

50

N/A

Taura

25

0

 

The reversers were those who went back to Islam after their conversion. Thus despite the perceived “docility” of the rural dwellers, there was a large scale resistance to Christian missionaries in Kano. In most cases people shunned the missionaries; and in others they were assaulted (especially after independence when such assault would not incur the wrath of authorities). Bako (1985), based on extensive fieldwork, has identified four groupings of converts to Christianity among the rural Hausa (there were no recorded incidences of urban conversion, even from mission records). These included children of ultra-strict fathers (ironically enough, mainly from the Mallam class) who converted to Christianity to rebel against their parents. Second were lepers whose treatment lasted a long time — during which they were indoctrinated and converted to Christianity in the leprosariums. Next were those in dire strait, such as the blind, disabled, indigent or the abandoned (especially orphaned ragamuffins wandering in the streets) who need critical help. Finally, easy targets for convert were those the missionaries employed as house-help, who became converted through gradual contact.

 

Most of the converts find life in mainstream society difficult, often concealing their real converted names, or living permanently in the remote rural mission stations. As Bako pointed out,

 

The fact that they live within a predominantly Muslim population that believes Islam is ‘right’ religion puts them at a great disadvantage. Those who are in government departments always tell bitter experiences…Those at the ‘top’ could have gone higher, had they been Muslims.[20]

 

 

 

Select References

 

Graham, S F (1966) Government and Mission Education in Northern Nigeria, 1900-1919 - with special reference to the work of Hanns Vischer. (Ibadan, Ibadan University Press).

Allen, A R (1969) The development of post-primary education in Northern Nigeria, 1916-1960. (Unpublished M.Phil thesis, University of London Institute of Education).

Bray, M (1978) Universal Primary Education in Nigeria: A Study of Kano State. (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul).

Hogben, S J and Kirk-Greene, A H M (1966) The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary survey of their historical traditions. (London, Oxford University Press).

Kano State (1970) Kano State Statistical Year Book 1970. (Kano, Military Governor’s Office, Economic Planning Division).

Kano State (1971) Kano State Development Plan 1970-1974. (Kano State, Military Governor’s Office, Economic Planning Division).

Kano State (1974) Kano State Statistical Year Book 1974. (Kano, Ministry of Economic Development).

Kano State (1976a) Education Review Committee Final Report (The Galadanchi Report). January 1976 (Kano, Government Printer).

Kano State (1976b) Government views on the Report of the Education Review Committee. (White Paper), June 1976 (Zaria, Gaskiya Corporation).

Kano State (1977b) Policy Statement 1977/78. (Kano, Government Printer).

Kano State (1979a) Ministry of Education Kano State: Education Policies/Problems Study Committee: The Report. (Kano, Ministry of Education).

Kano State (1979b) Ministry of Education Kano State: Progress Report, 1968-1979 Compiled by Alhaji Imam Wali. (Kano, Ministry of Education, Directorate Division).

Kano State (1981a) Kano State - A Giant Leap. (Kano, Triumph Publishing Company).

Kano State (1981b) Statistical Year Book 1981. (Kano, Statistics Division, Department of Budget, Governor’s Office).

Kano State (1983) Report of Committee on Problems and Prospects of Education in Kano State (The Tijjani Ismai’l Report). (Kano, Institute for Higher Education).

Kano State (1985) Number of Post-Primary Institutions and their total enrollments 1984/85 - A mimeo. (Kano, Ministry of Education, Statistics Division).

Kano State (1986a) An address by the Hon. Commissioner for Education Kano State, Alh Ibrahim Ismai’l at the opening Ceremony of the Meeting of the National Implementation Committee for the New National Policy on Education, held at Daula Hotel, Kano on Tuesday 25th November 1986. (Kano, The Ministry of Education).

Kano State (1986b) Statistical Year Book (1983). (Kano, Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning).

Cyril N. Ubah, Problems of Christian Missionaries in Muslim Emirates of Nigeria, 1900-1928. Journal of African Studies, Volume 3, Number 3, Fall, 1976, pp. 351-372.

 

 

 



[1] Sonia F. Graham, Government and Mission Education in Northern Nigeria, 1900-1919 - with special reference to the work of Hanns Vischer. Ibadan, Ibadan University Press, 1966 p. 17.

[2] Cyril N. Ubah, Problems of Christian Missionaries in Muslim Emirates of Nigeria, 1900-1928. Journal of African Studies, Volume 3, Number 3, Fall, 1976, pp. 351-372.

[3] E. A. Ayandele, “The Missionary Factor in Northern Nigeria, 1870-1918”, Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol III, No. 3, December 1966 pp. 503-522.

[4] This specific reference is from E.P.T. Crampton, Christianity in Northern Nigeria, Zaria, 1976, p. 131. However, a detailed study of the Isawa is given by Ian Linden in The Isawa Malam c.1850-1919: some problems in the Religious History of Northern Nigeria. ABU Occasional Paper, 1974.

[5] Crampton, Christianity….p. 133.

[6] W. R. Miller, An Autobiography, Zaria, 1949, p. 52.

[7] Murray Last, Aspect of Administration and Dissent in Hausaland, 1800-1968, Africa, 40 (1970), pp. 345-354.

[8] Ayandele, “The Missionary Factor…loc.cit.

[9] Ayandele, “The Missionary Factor…loc.cit. p. 507.

[10] Sonia F. Graham, Government and Mission Education in Northern Nigeria, 1900-1919 - with special reference to the work of Hanns Vischer. Ibadan, Ibadan University Press, 1966 p. 17.

[11] Ubah, C. N. Problems of Christian Missionaries in Muslim Emirates of Nigeria, 1900-1928. Journal of African Studies, Volume 3, Number 3, Fall, 1976, pp. 351-372.

[12] Graham, Government and Mission, p. 28.

[13] This is now the Le Circle club, near AfriBank main branch along Lagos Street.

[14] Catholic official record written in French but it was translated for me by Father White S.M.S. 1969.

[15] For further details of the SIM activities in Kano, see Sani Ahmed Bako, The Impact of the S.I.M. E.C.W.A. Activities on the Rural Areas of Kano State. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of History, Bayero University, Kano, 1985.

[16] Miss Helen M. Watkins, head of department of Translating helped me in getting information about the S.I.M. Mission in Kano.

[17] The present Editor of the S.I.M. Hausa church magazine in Jos is one of them.

[18] It was not clear why it was removed to such remote rural location, although Church history claims that it was to provide the inmates with farming experiences to make them more functional members of society. One can surmise also that it was the boarding facilities that makes the idea of the movement more attractive — thus distancing the boys from the source of their problems in the Township. In any event, its establishment at Roni gave the SIM further opportunities for evangelistic work among the rural Maguzawa in the area. This school was so successful that eight of its foundation members — it was not clear whether they were juvenile delinquents for whom the school was purposely established — became prominent people in the field of education in the Northern States. Two of them were one time principals of Kagoro and Kaltingo Teacher Training Colleges respectively. One of them served as a supervisor of Education in Kano State Ministry of Education. Another school was built by the SIM to replace this one in Sabon Gari. In 1948 a similar school was established for girls in Kabo, which was taken over by the Kano State Ministry of Education and reverted to a conventional school.

[19] After Bako, SIM ECWA,…p. 89.

[20] Bako, SIM, ECWA…p. 123.

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